Australian Greek Welfare Society

A BRIEF HISTORY
OF THE AUSTRALIAN GREEK WELFARE SOCIETY
20 YEAR CELEBRATION
September 1972 to September 1992

By Dr. Spiro Moraitis

In the 1960's a small group of people began to discuss the concept of ethnicity, maintenance of culture, religion, language in the context of the Australian community. Ineffective services to the migrant communities and the rights of non- English speaking Australians was debated. In particular the poor education received by children of migrants in the inner suburban schools was of grave concern.

The catalyst that brought together this group of people was the Committee to Establish the Chair of Modern Greek in 1969 and its subsequent offshoot, the Greek Professionals' Association formed in February 1972. One subcommittee of the G.P.A. was welfare which subsequently became the Australian Greek Welfare Society following an informal meeting convened by Margaret Moraitis on August 15 1972. Advice was sought and obtained from a variety of sources including Australian Jewish and Relief Welfare Society, Ecumenical Migration Centre, Centre for Urban Research and Action and Patrons were Bishop Aristarchos and Sir Eugene Gorman.

The aim of the Australian Greek Welfare Society (AGWS) was to lobby for the rights of migrants and their children and improve services particularly in the area of education, health, welfare, child care and language services.

The AGWS from its very concept maintained a politically neutral stance, requested support and worked in co-operation with all political parties, Governments and Public Servants. Policies were carefully and constructively developed but strategies and lobbing were conducted in an ad hoc and 'trial and error' method until expertise was developed. The Newspaper 'Neos Kosmos' supported the establishment of a welfare agency with many articles.

The AGWS began on September 5, 1972, in the Cyprian Community with a group of volunteers - Nick Polites, Celestine Doufas, Vivy Gounaris, Margaret Moraitis, Melody Papadopoulos and Francis Toumbourou.

We thus ventured forth. No money. Little expertise, no understanding of Government, with colossal cheek but high ideals.

Many people outside the organisation held deep reservation about the organisation including its ability to service and survive. In January 1973 the AGWS moved into the Greek Orthodox Community of Melbourne and Victoria's building in Lonsdale Street, Melbourne.

The AGWS became an independent organisation although it continued to work closely with many people and community organisations. Members of the Agency were appointed to Government committees and lobbied strongly on behalf of the community. In 1974 the establishment of the radio station 3ZZ gave AGWS access to the media and the number of clients quickly doubled and tripled. The first Grant-in-Aid was given in July 1974, Celestine Doufas and Rita Packer were appointed.

In June 1975, the State and Federal Governments combined to buy the present property in 8 Corsair Street, Richmond from the 'Opportunity Youth Club' for AGWS. AGWS became an incorporated body. It was declared to set up a bilingual, bi-cultural Child Care Centre catering for the needs of migrant workers, namely opening 12.hour per day. It was opened by Senator Margaret Guilfoyle on February 18 1977.

In April 1977 AGWS began discussions for the establishment of Hostels for the Frail Aged and Nursing Homes. As a consequence the organisation could not obtain Tax Deductibility (because the Taxation Department regard us solely as a lobby group and not a relief organisational) and a new organisation was mooted. Several members of the AGWS left to form Australian Greek Society for the Care of the Elderly. They were led by john B. Salvaris, John M. Salvaris, Marika Bisas Conn Constantinou and Anna Mathews.

In July 1977 AGWS received Bulk Funding from the Federal Government and consequently the agency significantly increased its services.

A further grant was made to form the Education Liaison Team in 1978 and this subsequently had a significant impact on education services in the State.

In the decade of 1980 - 90 the AGWS worked hard to maintain its grants in an increasingly negative environment as Government funds were reduced. It was compentently led by Jack Bisas as President and Nick Polites as executive officer. The AGWS maintained its high standard of services. Nick Polites was the executive officer from 1976 to 1986, and, although a volunteer since 1972, he oversaw the growth of the Agency.

Despite the financial constraints of the 1990s we can look to the future with optimism and the past with great satisfaction.

To those associated with AGWS since its inception it is a source of amazement that it lasted so long. However, we are not at all surprised at the tremendous impact that it has had in the community by way of its policy and community development and its vanguard in change.

The significance of the organisation is that it demonstrated to the Australian—Greek community that agencies could be viable if they were politically neutral, that lobbying was vital to their existence, the need for hostels and nursing homes, that welfare was more than just a handout of money, there was a need for bi-lingual schools and programs, the teaching of community languages and the need for language services. It has shown the value of ethno—specific agencies in working with mainstream services providing impartial links with Australians of a Non-English speaking background.

From a small acorn of about six (6) volunteers, the organisation has grown into an agency employing 38 people and volunteers of another 120 people. The dedication, integrity and professionalism of its staff, Board of Management and volunteers has infused tremendous initiatives in the organisation.

AUSTRALIAN GREEK WELFARE SOCIETY
TWENTY YEARS
A Ruminative Reflection
with no apology for the redundancy, the tautology whatever... September 1972 to September 1992

By George Papadopoulos

It is appropriate at this juncture in the history of A.G.W.S. that we consider some of the factors that have been influential in its history or at least in the perception of it as an organisation. What is presented here is not intended as a history but rather a brief consideration of what to the mind of this participant are some of the crucial factors in the history and style of A.G.W.S, or Greek Welfare as we came to refer to it in insider parlance.

These points are not offered in any prioritized sense or analysis and indeed many may wish to take issue with my formulations and also to point out my errors and/or omissions. This will be all to the better as perhaps from any debate that may follow a fuller history of Greek Welfare may be developed. In any event it is time for some attention to be given to developing such a history as, to my knowledge, very few pieces of research have been done in this area and indeed only one which focused specifically on Greek Welfare.

Greek Welfare was the first overtly and aggressively ethnic agency, particularly in terms of the 1970's and working from a rights-based approach. This is not to say there were not other ethnic—specific agencies but that they operated on a quieter and at that time a more welfare (charitable?) based approach. In essence they were passive about their ethnicity.

Certainly in terms of the Greek community (PAROIKIA) of the 1960's and 70's, Greek Welfare's style and activity were a change. The various communal organisations and the Church were defensively ethnic and more inward-looking in their orientation. Greek Welfare introduced a more (publicly) political element into the debates within the Paroikia; political in the sense that it was partisan as to issues and not in the political party sense or committed to any pf the then institutional frameworks of the Paroikia.

Greek Welfare in its first years in effect worked to a tripartite division of labour in a functional sense, namely -

1. Research and analysis.
2. Advocacy, and
3. Service delivery.

It also employed a very broad definition (or description) of welfare, enabling it to range across (traditional) welfare, health, educational and cultural concerns and issues.

At the time of the formation of Greek Welfare only the various elements of the Greek Left, principally the Communist Party branches, did any sort of social policy discussion - consider the issues of Epitheorisis and the Greek Left Review and the Neos Kosmos newspaper. The Left analyses were, however, maintained within constrained frameworks, in particular by over-reliance on class as a non-dependent variable. Interestingly in recent years Australia's discussions of Multiculturalism are similarly vitiated by reliance on ethnicity as a non-dependent variable and by omitting class, race and gender from certain key elements of discussions re policy and issues.

At the same time (and other than the Communists) no other political party had any ethnic affairs policies or ethnic branches, although it is fair to note that the Greek branches of the Australian Labour Party were then forming. But they became more publicly involved and influential in policy discussions and communal issues at a later time in the 1970's.

Greek Welfare early on started to publicize per the media and to publish its concerns and the outcomes of its action research, as well as its policy proposals and what it saw as the lack of existing programs and policies. Over the first few years Greek Welfare developed rapidly in several areas of policy, as well as experiencing significant growth as an agency.

Areas such as direct welfare, the Education Liaison team, child care, ethnic broadcasting, immigration policy and care of the elderly figured prominently in this period, but at the same time Welfare established the practices that kept it in the forefront of debate as well as service delivery and also contributed to its “aggressive” image. It is fair to say that others followed both in policy debate and organisational practice where Greek Welfare had been - both within and beyond the Greek Paroikia. Characteristic also of Welfare's approach in this period and since was the desire and capacity to cooperate with other organisations which shared either policy and practice concerns or similar goals. Amongst these were the Centre for Urban Research (CURA), the Ecumenical Migration Centre (EMC), the Ethnic Communities Council (ECC), CO-ASIT , Filef, Australian Jewish Welfare Society, Migrant Education Action, the Migrant Workers' Conference and the Greek Orthodox Community of Melbourne and Victoria and the Cyprian Communities. With some of these organisations there was also an overlap of personnel. (An apology is tendered to other organisations omitted from the above list, but the object was not to write a complete statement of A.G.W.S.'s history).

In many ways Greek Welfare either pioneered or refined aspects of practice in such a way as to establish new styles and approaches. It suffices to list these in this context offering minimal explanation only to clarify, although someone ought to be persuaded to do a full study of Greek Welfare's approach to ethno—specificity in service delivery and, in particular, its use of welfare and welfare rights officers and the controversy and dispute that followed that practice.

However as to styles and approaches consider the following:

• the lobbying techniques
• the advocacy at communal level, both within and beyond the Paroikia,
• policy development
• practice techniques
• recruitment and training, particularly of staff, but also of volunteers.
• recognition of the need to specialise in certain areas whether for policy or other reason (accompanied by a non-imperial stance) - A good example of this was the development of the Australian Greek Society for the Care of the Elderly which sprung from Welfare somewhat like Athena from Zeus (without the power connotations).
• The monthly meeting, which was not only a forum for advocacy but an arena for debate, dialogue and networking, and which for several years and despite the growth of organisations was well attended by significant numbers of people, whether staff of Greek Welfare or its members or people prominently involved in other organisations, government departments, political parties or academe. The common concern was ethnicity and multiculturalism and their implications for policy and practice. This was perhaps for many years the most effective public networking activity in the areas that affected ethnic groups.
• The Greek Action Bulletin newsletter (GAB).
• The broadcasts on 3ZZ and elsewhere, particularly those on specific welfare issues.
• The involvement with Government Advisory bodies, particularly Committees but also Inquiries.
• The documentation of needs and concerns.
• The involvement of representatives of other Greek organisations and non-Greek as well in many of the processes and projects of Welfare.
• The involvement of Greek Welfare (et al) in the development of 3EA and subsequently of the Special Broadcasting Service.
• The policy of “radical” accommodation which entailed working within the frameworks of programs of whatever Government was in power whilst still trying to change those frameworks secured “benefits” for Greek Welfare from time to time and recognition of its capacity for innovation in policy and practice.

Clearly Greek Welfare was an influential organisation at crucial periods of the debates over ethnicity and multiculturalism, also evidenced by the number of politicians and others who have consulted with Welfare over the years.

In passing who can forget the Federal election campaign of 1977 when Greek Welfare was one of the few organisations visited by the three major leaders of the political parties at the time. Messrs. Frazer, Whitlam and Chipp, and the numerous visits in later years by ministers and politicians prominent at Federal and State level.

Another factor of importance in the development of Welfare was (despite the age of the Committee) the recruitment, promotion and advancement of younger staff and members and the support (“backing up”) given to them. In particular this support was strongest for them in their role as spokepersons, a support which was also extended to other, particularly Greek, organisations and individuals.

In this note Greek Welfare is referred to as a singularity, which of course in real terms it was not.

It was a collection, an aggregation of individuals who worked together and who amongst themselves disputed and debated fiercely over many of the issues and concerns, but who never allowed those internal debates and disputes to degenerate into internal politicking which would have weakened the organisation and vitiated the principles and policies which it was supporting. This is not to say that there weren't serious moments in its history, but ultimately these moments were not disruptive of the momentum and of the ethos that has been generated and which continues albeit in modified form, as is appropriate to changed environments and issues.

Perhaps the closest analogy in a language which is no longer fashionable is that Greek Welfare for some time has performed the role of a vanguard party. It has elaborated and articulated an approach to principles, policies and practice based on concepts of rights and needs more systematically than many other organisations.

Ultimately Greek Welfare's contribution to ethno—specificity in policy and practice will be seen to be of major significance, but it is fair to say after twenty years, that recognition is still a long way off.